Saturday, August 22, 2020

Human Trafficking in Thailand Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words - 1

Human Trafficking in Thailand - Research Paper Example This article investigates a few cases wherein human dealing happens. A portion of the cases are whereby individuals are persuaded into going to different nations with the guarantee of showing signs of improvement employments and agreeable lives. Generally, it generally ends up being false. This setting talks about many laborers from Thailand being guaranteed high wages by the California based organization named Global Horizons Inc and as opposed to paying them little to nothing while at the same time treating them like rubbish, taking their travel papers on appearance and compromising expelling. Human dealing is one of the most risky types of separation. Thailand encounters significant difficulties as a source, section and goal nation on human dealing predominantly ladies and youngsters. The inclination of dealing for authorized work is ascending in level in the rural, development and angling associations. Human dealing is a cutting edge reporter of subjugation. Contradicting their w ill, a great many individuals around the world are implemented to work to support others. For example, by turning out to be homeless people, whores, working in sweatshops, inadvertent subjugation or in any event, transforming into kid troopers. Individuals that are dealt are normally subjugated or in conditions of obligation mistreatment that are tricky and harsh. Dealers will divert or abuse the central human privileges of their casualties, who most conceivably have been deceived and lured by counterfeit guarantees or genuinely authorized into their conditions. Dealing is a normal practice to persuade individuals to leave their homes and move to neighboring nations that are wealthier where they can work in administrations like local administrations, grown-up care or server and servers in cafés. Upon appearance, their travel papers, visa, and return licenses are detracted from them, effectively; these individuals are detained, either substantial or monetarily or mentally. The dealt individuals are made to work as family slaves or as horticultural or mechanical unit laborers, in slave-like conditions.

Wednesday, July 15, 2020

8 Ways to Be a Better Storyteller When Youre Anxious

8 Ways to Be a Better Storyteller When You're Anxious Do you know how to tell a story so that you engage your listener? If you have social anxiety, you might not have much experience telling stories. Your fear of being the center of attention has probably held you back from offering more than a sentence or two at a time. Although you might never become a grand storyteller or have people hanging on your every word, you can certainly learn how to tell interesting anecdotes in the best way to engage your listeners. 8 Ways to Push Through Anxiety to Become a Better Storyteller Try these tips for becoming a better storyteller. Choose the Appropriate Time and Audience Be mindful of who you are telling your story to before you start. Also, think about the timing of when you tell a story. For example, you shouldnt be telling stories with adult content when there are children present. Although you dont want to overthink things and make yourself too anxious about being appropriate, you need to consider these issues as well. Use a Hook to Engage the Listener When you start telling a story, do you begin with boring details? Do you start out describing what you had for lunch that day? Dont be surprised if people quickly tune you out if you dont hook them right away. The best way to engage your listener is to provide a hook that makes them want to know more. You might say something like You would never believe what happened to me today, or I have the craziest story to tell. Draw your listeners in right from the start so that they are waiting for what you have to say. Your job as a storyteller is not just to describe events but to make them interesting enough to be worthy of a story that you want to tell others. Keep It Concise There is nothing worse than listening to someone ramble on with a story that seems to have no end and no point. If you tell these types of stories, you might soon find your audience nodding off. Keep your audience interested and intrigued by sticking to important details and making your story as concise as possible. Use colorful words to convey your message instead of going into excruciating detail. Highlight Emotional Elements Engage the listeners emotions. Whether you evoke happiness, sadness, surprise or anger, eliciting emotions helps to keep the listener attentive. Your story will also come alive if you include emotional elements. Rather than just sticking to the facts, be sure to talk about how you felt and how others felt, as a result of the events that took place. Dont Rush If you have social anxiety, you might be tempted to rush through your story to get it over with. Try to practice telling your story at a reasonable pace. Go slow so that your listeners have time to digest what you have to say. If you arent sure whether you are speaking too fast, try recording your voice or taking a video, or even asking a family member or friend about your rate of speech. Poke Fun at Yourself and Nobody Else Saying funny things about yourself during a story is a great way to make your listeners comfortable. But dont poke fun at those around you.  Dont tell stories that make others feel bad about themselves or have to stick up for themselves. Telling a story that gets a laugh at the expense of someone else shows thoughtlessness and selfishness. Vary Your Rate of Speech and Volume In addition to making sure that you arent speaking too quickly, you should also try to vary the rate of which you speak. Speed up for the exciting parts and slow down to add drama. You can also speak quietly or loudly in different parts of the story to add emphasis to what you say. Just make sure that you dont speak so quietly that others have trouble hearing you. Ask Listeners to Imagine Part of your job as a storyteller is to paint a picture for your listeners. Ask them to imagine something specific in your story. Can you picture me... is a good phrase to get you started. Remember that even the greatest storytellers practice beforehand. Dont be afraid to practice your story multiple times before taking it out in public. You will gain confidence and also have a chance to iron out any of the issues noted above.

Thursday, May 21, 2020

5 formas de obtener la ciudadanía americana

La ciudadanà ­a americana brinda, entre otros derechos, poder vivir y trabajar sin restricciones en los Estados Unidos y viajar con el pasaporte de ese paà ­s. Es muy comà ºn pensar que la nacionalidad estadounidense sà ³lo se obtiene si se nace en el paà ­s, pero eso es una idea equivocada. De hecho, son 5 los posibles caminos para obtener la ciudadanà ­a americana: nacimiento, sangre, naturalizacià ³n, derivacià ³n o adopcià ³n. A continuacià ³n, los requisitos para cada caso. Ciudadanos de EE.UU. por nacimiento en ese paà ­s La forma mà ¡s comà ºn de adquisicià ³n de la ciudadanà ­a estadounidense es por jus soil que es por nacimiento en cualquiera de los 50 estados que componen los Estados Unidos de Amà ©rica o en alguno de sus territorios como, por ejemplo, Puerto Rico, Islas Và ­rgenes Americanas, Guam y las Islas Marianas del Norte. Casi todos  los nacidos en Estados Unidos son ciudadanos americanos. La excepcià ³n son los hijos de padres extranjeros que se encuentran temporalmente en EE.UU. trabajando como diplomà ¡ticos para el gobierno de otro paà ­s. Ello se debe a que los diplomà ¡ticos no està ¡n sujetos a la jurisdiccià ³n de Estados Unidos.   La ciudadanà ­a americana para el resto de los nacidos en el paà ­s està ¡ protegida por la Enmienda 14 de la Constitucià ³n. No importa el estatus migratorio de los padres. Si un bebà © nace en Estados Unidos o en uno de sus territorios el nià ±o es estadounidense aunque uno o los dos padres sean indocumentados. En este punto cabe destacar que es importante obtener cuanto antes el certificado de nacimiento del nià ±o, el Nà ºmero del Seguro Social y, si es posible, el pasaporte estadounidense. Si un menor sale de EE.UU. sin pasaporte de este paà ­s podrà ­a tener mà ¡s tarde problemas para regresar como estadounidense si no es posible probar que la madre estaba en EE.UU. en la fecha de nacimiento o si se le cambian los apellidos o el nombre al nà ±o y no coinciden exactamente con los de su certificado de nacimiento americano. Tambià ©n se està ¡n dando problemas en el caso de menores estadounidenses hijos de indocumentados que salen de EE.UU. ellos solos y con pasaporte americano y à ©ste expira estando en otro paà ­s. En este caso podrà ­a haber problemas para renovarlo porque los padres indocumentados siguen en EE.UU. y no pueden presentarse con el nià ±o al consulado o a la embajada para pedir su renovacià ³n. La consecuencia de este problema es que el nià ±o podrà ­a no obtener su pasaporte para regresar a EE.UU. Finalmente, una aclaracià ³n a las personas de otros paà ­ses que pueden considerar venir a Estados Unidos a dar a luz para asà ­ asegurarse el pasaporte estadounidense para el recià ©n nacido. Es una prà ¡ctica que sà ­ se realiza, pero conviene saber que el oficial migratorio puede impedir el ingreso a mujeres embarazadas extranjeras si no pueden probar que tienen cà ³mo pagar por un parto. Ademà ¡s, deben conocerse los  riesgos de tener un hijo en Estados Unidos con visa de turista y resaltar que los menores estadounidenses no cambian la situacià ³n migratoria de sus padres. Para que un hijo pueda pedir a sus padres es necesario que tenga 21 aà ±os de edad y, ademà ¡s, se cumplan otros requisitos. Ciudadanà ­a americana por naturalizacià ³n La naturalizacià ³n es un trà ¡mite por el que un extranjero que es residente permanente legal  solicita voluntariamente la ciudadanà ­a americana.   La mayorà ­a de las naturalizaciones tienen lugar cuando un residente permanente legal solicita la ciudadanà ­a cinco aà ±os despuà ©s de haber conseguido la green card  o de tres aà ±os si està ¡n casados con un estadounidense. Ademà ¡s, hay casos especiales de naturalizacià ³n: Ciudadanà ­a americana por los abuelosCiudadanà ­a para militaresAlgunos casos de adopcià ³n Se estima que en la actualidad aproximadamente ocho millones de residentes permanentes legales cumplen los requisitos para solicitar la ciudadanà ­a por naturalizacià ³n. Muchos no lo hacen porque le tienen miedo al examen de conocimientos histà ³ricos y cà ­vicos y, muy especialmente, al de inglà ©s. Sin embargo hay que tener en cuenta que existen excepciones y casos en los que  no hay que rendir el examen de inglà ©s durante la naturalizacià ³n. Ademà ¡s, en todo el paà ­s està ¡n presentes organizaciones que dan clases gratis para preparar el examen de ciudadanà ­a. Los ciudadanos naturalizados adquieren, bà ¡sicamente, los mismos derechos que los ciudadanos por nacimiento. Sin embargo, no pueden aspirar a ser presidentes del paà ­s, un privilegio reservado a lo que se denomina natural born citizens. Por à ºltimo, despejar dos dudas muy comunes. En primer lugar,  que en contra de lo que frecuentemente se cree, los ciudadanos americanos por naturalizacià ³n no pierden la ciudadanà ­a si abandonan Estados Unidos y se van a vivir de forma definitiva a otro paà ­s. Esa situacià ³n se daba en el pasado, con otras leyes, pero ya no es asà ­. En segundo lugar, Estados Unidos permite la doble nacionalidad, es decir, no exige que se renuncie a la de nacimiento como condicià ³n para adquirir la estadounidense por naturalizacià ³n. Sin embargo, antes de solicitar la naturalizacià ³n es aconsejable verificar las leyes del paà ­s de origen porque en muchos casos adquirir la ciudadanà ­a de Estados Unidos puede significar perder automà ¡ticamente la del paà ­s de origen. Ciudadanà ­a derivada automà ¡tica para hijos de naturalizados Cuando una persona adquiere la nacionalidad americana por naturalizacià ³n, sus hijos se convierten en estadounidenses de forma automà ¡tica siempre y cuando: Sean menores de 18 aà ±os y residentes permanentes legales. Es decir, sean titulares de su propia tarjeta de residencia.Que vivan con el papà ¡ o la mamà ¡ que se convierte en ciudadano y que à ©ste tenga su custodia fà ­sica y legal de los menores de edad. Esto es asà ­ desde el 27 de febrero de 2001, cuando entrà ³ en vigor la reforma de la Ley de Ciudadanà ­a para Nià ±os, conocida como CCA, por sus siglas en inglà ©s. Esa fecha es muy importante porque las reglas que aplicaban con anterioridad eran diferentes. Por lo tanto, las personas en esa situacià ³n deberà ­an obtener mà ¡s informacià ³n en este enlace sobre cà ³mo probar la ciudadanà ­a americana derivada en estos casos y quà © sucede con las personas en esta situacià ³n con anterioridad a la entrada en aplicacià ³n de la nueva ley. Adopcià ³n por parte de ciudadanos estadounidenses Los nià ±os nacidos en el extranjero que son adoptados por ciudadanos americanos adquieren, por lo general, la nacionalidad de sus padres. Pero existen diversos casos que conviene conocer  ya que es posible en algunos casos que se adquiera la situacià ³n de residente permanente legal. Nacidos en el extranjero cuando los padres son americanos o derecho de sangre Las personas nacidas en otro paà ­s son americanas desde el momento de su nacimiento si el padre, la madre o ambos son estadounidenses. Pero siempre y cuando se cumplan una serie de requerimientos  muy estrictos que son diferentes si ambos padres son ciudadanos, si sà ³lo es uno de ellos y si està ¡n solteros o casados. Las personas interesadas pueden informarse sobre los requisitos que deben cumplirse para transmitir por derecho de sangre la nacionalidad  por padre o madre al hijo nacido en el extranjero, lo que tambià ©n se conoce como derecho de sangre o ius sanguinis. Cuando no se cumplan, en algunos casos todavà ­a serà ¡ posible que el menor obtenga la ciudadanà ­a pero a travà ©s de un abuelo y pasando por un proceso de naturalizacià ³n. Derechos y obligaciones de ciudadanos En Estados Unidos, los ciudadanos gozan de derechos y privilegios reservados para ellos. Por ejemplo, pueden votar registrà ¡ndose previamente, viajar con pasaporte de EE.UU., desempeà ±ar ciertos trabajos federales reservados para ellos, pedir los papeles a mà ¡s familiares que los residentes permanentes, etc. Pero tambià ©n tienen obligaciones que continà ºan a aplicar incluso aunque residan habitualmente fuera de los Estados Unidos, como es, por ejemplo, la de pagar impuestos o, en el caso de los varones jà ³venes, anotarse al Servicio Selectivo. Todos los pros y cons de adquirir la ciudadanà ­a americana deberà ­an tenerse en cuenta antes de adquirirla. Puntos claves: 5 formas de adquirir la ciudadanà ­a americana En la actualidad, existen 5 formas de adquirir la ciudadanà ­a estadounidense:Nacimiento: para todos excepto hijos de diplomà ¡ticosNaturalizacià ³n: cuando un residente permanente legal decide hacerse ciudadano Derivacià ³n: para algunos hijos de los residentes permanentes legales que se convierten en ciudadanos.Adopcià ³n: para nià ±os nacidos en el extranjeros y adoptados por estadounidensesSangre: para nià ±os nacidos en el extranjero hijos de ciudadanos americanos. Este es un artà ­culo informativo. No es asesorà ­a legal.

Wednesday, May 6, 2020

Ethical Dilemmas Of The Workplace - 880 Words

There are many ethical dilemmas one can face while in a workplace. Some are easy to handle, while others do not have a quick solution. There are also many different interactions that can take place. Ethical dilemmas involving a request from a boss have proven to be difficult situations to handle. In the workplace, it is vital to have a strong relationship with a boss. This is what makes an unethical request from a boss such a hard situation to be put in. One wouldn’t want to sacrifice the relationship they have with their boss. At the same time however, it is an even stronger battle to fight one’s morals and what they believe to be ethical. In this discussion I will breakdown my strategy of getting out of this specific type of ethical dilemma: my boss will allow me to submit inflated expense reports in order to pocket the extra cash as well-deserved compensation for my contributions. The most important thing when presented with an unethical situation is to buy some time in order to evaluate the situation thoroughly. Situations like this are delicate, so it is important to treat it as such and take some time to determine the best plan of action. Additionally, if pressured to respond in the heat of the moment, one might become unsatisfied with their answer. Either they will agree to the request against their better judgment, or they will falter their way through a timid and uncertain refusal that could be interpreted as offensive (Boogaard). In our hypothetical face-to-faceShow MoreRelatedEthical Dilemmas in Workplace1634 Words   |  7 PagesEthical Dilemmas in Workplace Personal values may conflict with ethical decision making if those personal values are different than the organizational norms of the business or institution. 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One of myRead MoreAn Ethical Dilemma in the Workplace780 Words   |  4 PagesAn Ethical Dilemma In The Workplace The Dilemma; An Assistant Teacher, from my Counseling Ministry, has worked for twenty years in many types of school setting and with students from grades Pre-K to High school. During her career, she has encounter unfavorable encounters with her peers, parents and students. One particular incident she received a written reprimand from her supervisor. The supervisor stated she engaged in dishonorable conduct of insubordination. She refuses to abide by the instructionsRead MoreEthical Dilemma at the Workplace1714 Words   |  7 Pagesï » ¿Examine an ethical dilemma that can occur in the workplace Ethical dilemmas are particularly sensitive issues in the workplace because the well-being of the individuals and the organization as a whole are at stake. Employees must feel as though they are being supported and not punished, and should not feel as though they were being put on display; their dignity should always remain intact. This paper examines how, as a high school principle, I would address the issue of one of the high schoolRead MoreWorkplace Ethical Dilemma Paper1064 Words   |  5 PagesWorkplace Ethical Dilemma Paper BSHS / 322 Marcia Winter Introduction Weve all heard the golden rules: In today’s society it is hard to find a good paying job. When one finds a good paying job, that person needs to do whatever he or she can do to keep that job. Ethics can be a problem in a workplace if someone is asked to do something that they do not feel is right. â€Å"Ethics are about making choices that may not always feel good or seem like they benefit you but are the right choices toRead MoreWorkplace Ethical Dilemma Essay1301 Words   |  6 Pages+ Workplace Ethical Dilemma Tanya W. Cooper BSHS/332 Professional, Ethical and Legal Issues in Human Services April 16, 2012 Kathleen Roberts Everyday individuals are faced with issues associated with ethical dilemmas. Ethical dilemmas involve an individual’s behavior toward a moral standard, which may have been established from previous generations and passed along. In upholding the standards taught individual may be forced to take a particular action involving a decision when a behaviorRead MoreEthical Dilemma at Workplace Essay1192 Words   |  5 Pagesï » ¿Introduction – What is an ethical dilemma? Ethics is the term we give to our concern for good behavior.   It is human nature to not only be concerned with our own personal well being, but also that of others and of human society as a whole.   The difference between moral dilemmas and ethical ones, philosophers say, is that in moral issues the choice is between right and wrong.   In ethical ones, the choice is between two rights. Everyday Im faced with decisions of right and wrong, most of which

Project Schedule Free Essays

A Little Horizontal Integration, Please Greg Fry MGMT6109049 University of Maryland University College Bureaucracy consists of an organization characterized by: specific job functions and a strict vertical hierarchical structure. Bureaucratic structure introduced a shift in the archetype of society just before the 19th century. Max Weber, known for his thoughts on capitalism and bureaucracy, contributed greatly to this archetype. We will write a custom essay sample on Project Schedule or any similar topic only for you Order Now The classic bureaucratic model, according to Weber, is described as having such characteristics as: political neutrality, vertical structure, specific job responsibilities, and well-written impersonal documentation, which is used to ensure functional reliability. (Weber M. , 1978) This essay will concentrate on the vertical structure and the rigid tasks and knowledge of the bureaucratic model, to show that an organization can become too big and rigid to be effective in daily tasks. According to Weber, â€Å"bureaucratization offers above all the optimum possibility for carrying through the principle of specializing administrative functions according to purely objective considerations. † (Weber M. , 1958) However, this takes away the human factor, which can hinder an employee from making an effective decision. This is all too clear when looking at the Veterans Benefits Administration, and how they handle their customers. The following diagram depicts the Veterans Benefits Administration Organization (Organization Chart – Veterans Benefits Administration, 2012): pic] Figure 1 The Veterans Benefits Administration organization is a vertically structured government agency. The structure shows how the different regional offices do not have the means to communicate with each other. Figure provided by (http://vacriteria. tpub. com/vba_dg/vba_dg0010. htm). Weber predicted that bureaucracy would triumph because of its ability to ensure more efficient functi oning of organizations in both business and government settings. (Daft, 2010) However, in the case of the Veterans Benefits Administration, Weber may be wrong. The vertical hierarchy and strict rules prevent the different organizations from talking to each other. The example below will show that a large bureaucracy needs to be horizontally integrated along with the vertical structure to allow the employees the freedom to make decisions and communicate properly with other functional areas. A former Air Force member decided to use his GI Bill to continue his education. He started to use his bill while living in the state of Maryland. He then moved to Indiana, where he continued to use the GI Bill without issue. However, during a semester of class, the member needed to drop a class due to job priorities. He contacted the Education Service Organization, as seen in the above chart, to let them know of his issue. They were in agreement that the class should be dropped without penalty. A few months passed, and the member received a letter in the mail from the Eastern Regional office stating that the member owed money due to the dropping of the class earlier. The member called the helpline to explain the situation. The student was told that the regional office is separate from the education services branch and that he should have corresponded with the regional branch instead. The member went up the chain of command within the regional organization, without success. He was advised to protest the decision, which could take up to six months. The frustrated student sent in all the pertinent documents to the review board, which was located in the eastern region. During the protest stage, the member received another letter from the Veteran Administration’s Collections Center. The student was very surprised and contacted the collections center immediately. Once the member was able to reach a person who could help, he tried to explain that he was protesting the decision that was made by the office in the eastern region. The collections officer said that it didn’t matter what he was doing with the eastern region. The collections officer was located in the central region where all non-payments are reported. The student asked if the collections officer could contact the eastern regional representative to clear up the mess that was being created. The answer was â€Å"no† due to the fact that the central and eastern regional offices were not associated with each other, and he had his rules and regulations to follow. After a two year battle, the student ended up having to pay money back to the Administration, along with fees from the collections agency. Rather than focusing on narrow jobs structured into distinct functional departments, the Veterans Benefits Administration should emphasize core processes that cut horizontally across the organization and involve teams of employees working together to serve the customer. Daft, 2010) Weber built these bureaucratic organizations to act like machines and not think; however, bureaucracies could not and cannot act like machines because they consist of human beings. People will simply not imitate machines, although the Veterans Benefits Administration has certainly given it a good shot. Reference Daft, R. L. (2010). Organization Theory and Design (tenth ed. ). Mason, Ohio: Joe S abatino. Integrated Publishing. (n. d. ). Organization chart Veterans Benefits   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Administration. Retrieved January/February 4, 2012, from   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  http://vacriteria. tpub. com/vba_dg/vba_dg0010. htm Organization Chart – Veterans Benefits Administration. (2011, October 10). Retrieved Ocotober 12, 2011, from Integrated Publishing: http://www. tpub. com/content/vacriteria/vba_dg/vba_dg0010. htm Weber, M. (1978). Economy and society: An outline of interpretive sociology (Vol. One). (G. Roth, C. E. Wittich, Eds. ) Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press. Weber, M. (1958). Essays in Sociology. (H. H. Gerth, C. W. Mills, Eds. ) New York: Oxford University Press. ———————– UNDER SECRETARY OF BENEFITS OFFICE OF EMPLOYEE DEVELOPMENT TRAINING CHIEF OF INFORMATION MANAGEMENT DEP. UNDER SECRETARY FOR BENEFITS OFFICE OF HUMAN RESOURCES OFFICE OF RESOURCE MANAGEMENT OFFICE OF EXE. MANAGEMENT COMMS EASTERN[pic] REGION CENTRAL REGION SOUTHERN REGION WESTERN REGION REGIONAL OFFICES REGIONAL OFFICES REGIONAL OFFICES REGIONAL OFFICES COMPENSTATION PENSION SERVICE EDUCATION SERVICE LOAN GUARANTY SERVICE COUNSELING SERVICE INSURANCE SERVICE How to cite Project Schedule, Papers

Friday, April 24, 2020

The Relationship Between Religion and Politics in Somalia

Religion is a powerful factor that affects the political activity of the nation. The research focuses on the religious influences on the Somalian political activities. The study focuses on Islam as one of the religions that has triggered the country to unstableness.Advertising We will write a custom essay sample on The Relationship Between Religion and Politics in Somalia specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More The research includes discussion on Islam as a government benchmark in terms of political policies implemented within and outside the Somalian political environment (Armstrong 27). How religion influences politics in Somalia, especially since the country is unstable. Other Influences on Somalia Religion influences Politics in Somalia, especially since the country is unstable. First, the Islamic leaders espouse the Islamic political system. The system prioritises the Sharia law in all its political policies and procedures. In 2006, the Islamic Courts Union had taken control of the majority of the southern part of the country. Consequently, the sharia law was implemented. However, the Transitional Federal Government fought back to regain its original political hold. With the economic investments from troops arriving from Ethiopia, the African Union peacekeepers and air support by the United States, the Islamic Courts Union were unceremoniously kicked out and the Transitional Federal Government was able to achieve its goal of regaining control of the political environment (Reilly 4). Islamic References After the Islamic Courts Union’s defeat at the hands of the Transitional Federal Government, the union disintegrated into several groups. One splinter group, Al-Shabaab, focused on continuing its Holy War or insurgency against the current government party. The group’s insurgency campaign caused havoc on the nation. Specifically, the group attacked the current Transitional Federal Government’s grabbing of many parts of Somalia from 2007 to 2008 alone. Also, the same Islamic group was very instrumental in ensuring the successful taking control of the internal affairs of Baidoa from the robust Transitional Federal Government’s control in 1998. Second, Jonathan Howe (Clarke 172) emphasized the United States and the United Nations incorporate the religious culture of the current political leaders of Somalia in trying to reduce the tension and bring peace and plenty to the land. The relationship among the countries includes: the United Nations Roster of countries with interest in Somalia’ current and future political and religious environment, the relationship between â€Å"the United States and the U.N. is perhaps the most unique, complex, and essential.Advertising Looking for essay on political culture? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More Both the United States and the UN will be critical actors in defining any future role the world organization may play in dealing with massive humanitarian catastrophes resulting from ethnic cleansing, genocide, or human-made starvation. Therefore, it is essential to examine U.S.-UN relations during these entities’ demanding and unprecedented joint effort to help the failed state of Somalia from 1992 to 1995† (Clarke 172). In handling the Somalia political and religious turmoil, such actions clearly indicate that the U.N. and the Unites States approach problems from different perspectives, the United States perspective and the United Nations perspective. The interests, liabilities, and capacities of the United Nations are diverse compared to the interests, liabilities, and capacities of an individual member country. The United States’ and the United Nations’ priorities, for example, are to its constituency. For a nation to act in a democratic manner, it should complete the necessary requirements of its citizens. If a nation experiences severe internal criticism, its government may not be able to sustain an institutional commitment even if the leadership is willing to do so. The U.N. answers to member nations, especially the citizens of Somalia – not to the electorate. For, it would distributed among the 180 member nations of this institution, it is more easily diffused. Conversely, since the U.N. has no domestic constituency, it may become a convenient scapegoat for countries that do. The Somalian government understands the current United Nations prioritizing the United Nations’ member states in terms or prioritizing its scare global resources to alleviate the individual political, economic, processes. Thus, there are other nations that also needed the financial and other attention of the United Nations in terms of brand. Specifically, those who work for the U.N. understandably put priority on protecting the institution and meeting the wishes of a broad consensus of nations. They must res pond to pressures from many different directions. For example, the United Nations may look at a particular crisis in the framework of a global balancing act in trying to meet worldwide demands. A single success or failure among a dozen nation tests that include the Somalia nation test does not necessarily look the same to the United Nations as to the significant nations focusing on the stabilization of Somalia. The United Nations may be willing to trade the United Nations’ assistance in Somalian crisis situation over its help in filling a more significant gap somewhere else.Advertising We will write a custom essay sample on The Relationship Between Religion and Politics in Somalia specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More Third, Walter Clarke (118) the current religious culture allows the Somalian political process characterized as the foreign military intervention in Somalia. Under the current political environment, the root cause of the shift to the United Nations peacekeeping situation. John Drysdale reiterated â€Å"The idea of having a foreign military presence in Somalia was formulated by the U.N. secretariat at the turn of the year 1991-1992 in response to events in the city of Mogadishu. The former president of Somalia, Siad Barre, had been ousted twelve months earlier. Since that time, the leaders of opposing factions, Mohamed Farah Aideed and Ali Mahdi Mohamed, had conducted a sometimes peaceful, sometimes violent, power struggle. Currently, gunners from both sides were pounding each other’s civilian-occupied areas indiscriminately with heavy artillery and other forms of firepower. The few nongovernment organizations in Mogadishu estimated tens of thousands of casualties sustained by the civilian population† (Clarke 118). The consequences of the United Nations’ response to events in Somalia in 1991 had precipitated to the entrenchment of the United Nations to implement the state ments enshrined in the United Nations Charter in terms of helping beleaguered nations like Somalia. The overthrow of the Aideed and Mahdi after Siad Barre’s overthrow and up to the time of the United Nations answer to the crisis in was an expected consequence. The relationship was maintained by the United Nations secretariat and therefore, was not included in its assessment and plan of action. After the successful outcome of the overthrow of the Siad Barre government, the bitter dispute over political succession to the deposed president, Siad Barre, during the first month of the year 1991(Gebrewold 131).  Fourth, Jamila A. Mubarak (Mubarak 9) proposed the religious culture of the Somalia government affected both the political and economic progress of the nation. â€Å"Somalia is one of the least developed nations in the world. The Somali state incorporates the former Italian Trust Territory of Somalia and British Somali-land, which were united immediately after their indep endence in 1960. Somalia’s per capita gross national income was estimated at only $120 (1987 U.S. dollars) in 1989 and since then has eroded. With a land area of 637,540 square kilometers and a population of about 8 million in 1990, 60% of whom are nomads, Somalia is endowed with few known natural resources, the most promising of which is the oil potential of North Somalia. Agriculture provides the livelihood for about 80% of the population, and accounts for more than 95 % of export earnings and 65 % of the GDP†.Advertising Looking for essay on political culture? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More With the current limited pastoral and arable land, insufficient and unpredictable amount of rainfall, as well as inadequate physical and social infrastructure, agricultural output erratically occurs, consequently influencing Somalia’s Gross Domestic Production output.  Many of the newly created African nations during the 1960s, especially Somalia, had very high hopes about whether the effect of such independence could be fruitful or destructive to the economy and politics of each African nation (Froyen 47). Somalia’s social, political, and economic development since independence in 1960 had been affected, more than by anything else, by Somalia’s political makeup and reflected the popular nationalist feelings among the ethnic Somali population in the African territory to come together as one community under the leadership of one person (Pan-Somalism). The other objective had been economical and had no significant aspiration of the Somalian government to raise t he depressive economic condition of its residents.  Since independence, successive governments have found themselves frustrated by these two objectives. Both objectives competed for the narrow resource base of the Somali economy. Governments have juggled them, trying simultaneously to achieve both in order to remain in power. In the first parliamentarian governments of the 1960s, the Pan-Somalism issue, in particular, dominated the political agenda. But successive governments failed to realize the popular expectations, and public dissatisfaction and frustration were widespread. In addition, the religious colour of the political makeup of Somalia can be described as a display of the many significant participants in the warfare in Liberia and Somalia. The political actors held in strict compliance all the activities of the Somalian army with its many sympathizers and other loyal followers. The implementation of a politically viable mixture includes power, legitimacy, authority and r ule. Consequently, the political maneuvering focused on the concept of the Trinitarian war as a valid and useful instructional compliance to comprehend the very spirit as well as continuity in the country’s war efforts. The political nature of the significant Somalian players of power, legitimacy, authority and rule includes the description of power as being operational. Operational means the capacity to affect the rational choices of others. Authority includes the use of legal power to achieve the nation’s goals and objectives. Further, Somalian rule incorporates the persistent maintenance of Somalia’s religion-inspired political situation. Somalian political will includes taking the form of the exercise of democratic rule by the affected individuals or autocratic rule over a huge number of responsibilities placed on the shoulders of the individual leaders. The Somalian trinity of political leadership, army, and people entails that the leading players in the re ligion-inspired political climate actor will be shown to possess a military force and a group of supporters. In addition, religion-inspired political Somalian environment included the armed groups’ use of power. Basically, power, in the two case studies, was used by the armed groups organised by and around, among others, Charles Taylor and Mohammed Aidid in Liberia and Somalia respectively. For the purposes of this study, these two individuals and their followers will be the main focus for analysis. Before it can be proved that these groups exercised power (and authority and rule) after the collapse of the state, it needs to become clear whether they possessed power before the country broke down and where their power was derived from.  Fourth, Isabelle Duyvesteyn (53), proposed Somalia’s political stature includes the implementation of programs that are prioritized in uplifting its economic conditions. Somalia’ political makeup includes the â€Å"the concepts of power, authority and rule were applied to the social organisation or faction itself†¦ politics again has been defined as concerned with power, authority and rule. Evidence will be presented in this chapter that supports the claim that political interests drove the interaction in the two wars†. In particular, the state was the focus of factional confrontations. Political interests defined the essence of the two wars. Actors involved in armed conflict in which the state structures have collapsed do fight for political interests. First, arguments will be put forward why political interests are dominant (Mohamoud 73). In terms of political interests of the defining feature of the war, Duyvesteyn (75) the non-trinitarian perspective, was that interests other than the political were dominant, such as control over resources or ethnicity. However, there is strong empirical evidence that points in the direction of a dominance of political interests. Not only were the factions claiming to fight to remove the regime in power, as already touched on in the previous chapter, but they moved to the capitals to do so. After the breakdown of the state, the factions continued their struggle because of competing claims over the future of the country. First, the invasions were claimed by the military factions to be political initiatives. As described earlier, opposition had not been possible in Liberia and Somalia. In terms of the politics of the strategy of the African wars, there is convincing proof indicating that, with the aid of empirical evidence, offering a Clausewitzian and Trinitarian foundation for the wars in Somalia, which hitherto have usually been described as non-trinitarian. The Somalian wars were triggered by a war instrument through which the aim is to realise political aims, even in cases where the state has collapsed. Politics was defined as concerned with power, authority and rule. By using these concepts to analyse the main warring factions in the two armed conflicts, it can be demonstrated that they strove to increase their power so as to claim legitimacy in order to acquire authority and establish rule. Initially, the factions exercised mainly coercive power, i.e., they commanded fighters and weaponry. The faction leaders aimed to transform this power into authority by claiming legitimacy. Legitimacy was found in existing conventions, such as ethnic and clan identity, patrimonialism, widely shared beliefs (such as the importance of social background), military skill of the faction leaders, religion and symbolism. Legitimacy was further derived from the actions of those over whom power was exercised, illustrated by the support from followers, both in their numbers and in their compliant behaviour. Furthermore, the actions of foreign actors, as witnessed in negotiations and peace missions, for example, conferred legitimacy to the factions. Also, religion was instrumental in turning some types of legitimacy into authority. When authority had been achieved, it transformed to be in the best interest of the factions to perpetuate it. Therefore, the authoritative power had been put into place with less cost than coercive power. The establishment of rule, i.e., the persistent exercise of authority, was possible. The possession of authority by the factions allowed them to create more legitimacy, among other ways by using this authority. However, faction rule faced several challenges (Braathen 3).  Likewise, Einar Braathen (15) reiterated religion and ethnicity combined to create a new political statement. In fact, â€Å"during the dramatic events in SubSaharan Africa issues of ethnicity and contested identities seem to be at the heart of the matter. But the crisis in countries like Angola, Congo-Brazzaville, Democratic Republic of Congo, Liberia, Mozambique, Rwanda, Sierra Leone and Somalia are really be reduced to ethnic cleavages. Clear, ethnicity had an essential part in many of the most conflicts in SubSaharan Africa, in the sense that ethnic affiliations often structure the composition of groups in conflict. As a consequence, religion is to blame for the increasing killings and other criminal acts. Moreover, there is little doubt that one of the main reasons why people are not having second thoughts in trying to kill each other. The religion-based ethic political system had metamorphosed to a certain extent to the identities around which ethnic and national conflicts are being rivaled. The political power that connects the different members of the Somalian community binds them through a process that can be identified as an adjustment or subjectification. This is a process where two meanings of the word ‘subject’ become socially constructed truths: subject to someone else by control and dependence, and tied to his/her own identity by a conscience or self-knowledge. In terms of religion, Einar Braathan (37) proposed the political problem includes controlling the em otions of the residents. Usually, the Somalian individual will eagerly implement an order to kill an innocent person. Specifically, â€Å"Somalia has a new global reputation — the world’s stereotype of abject, total and violent failure. This image is the consequence of the implosions of early 1991, subsequent events of mutual predation and mass starvation, failed international intervention, and a continuing absence of even the rudiments of viable national institutions. Given up on as an unsalvageable people and place, popular as well as official interest in Somalia has all but evaporated†. Some of the references to the Somalian nation may be stated with a sense of combined sadness. Consequently, a once-proud community clearly accepted their dignity and self-respect. They are currently lessened reduced to occurring in the foul debris of their socio-economic and cultural ruin. Likewise, the residents who can escape, are relegated to the status of unwanted messy pe rsons in exile in almost part of the global environment. No one refuses the possible occurrence of the Somalian population. Likewise, there is a popular sentiment to try to eliminate the post-colonial environment initially.  In terms of the religious of the political management of the Somalian Economy, the 1980s time period, as well as the early 1990s centered on the regimes of Samuel Doe in Liberia and Siad Barre in Somalia, crashed under the continuing pressure of the local guerrilla attacks. The end of such kingdoms had not been followed by the implementation of the new laws. The regimes had been defeated, but the Somalian country had fallen. One big reason for the end of the regimes had personalized and privatised the state. The fall of the regimes had resulted to the demise of the nation. In addition, Einar Braathan (109) states religion was also instrumental in the political disintegration of the state. The Somalian disintegration will be pinpointed as a downfall of territor y-wide authority with a concomitant breakdown of state institutions, covering everything from civil service, army and police to schools and electricity supply, and including internationally recognized structures of governance (Hall 61). This does not mean there is no governance or that a state of anarchy follows state collapse. Various political and military structures imposed themselves on the territories of Somalia and Liberia. Guerrilla groups like the Somali National Movement (SNM), as well as the National Patriotic Front of Liberia (NPFL), had seemed evidently organized (or disorganized) as the Somali and Liberian states. These two guerrilla groups established political units on parts of the territory after the breakdown of the Liberian and Somali states.  Further, Einar Braathan (109) proposes religion aids in the transcending of the discourse on the politics of engaging in war. The two main ideas behind this volume have been a) to shed critical light on the reduction of Afr ican civil wars to ethnic conflicts, and b) to argue for the emergence of civil wars as the result of political struggles over power, resources and identities. The religion-inspired political Somalian environment implements its rehabilitation of Africa by instituting some variables that are generally used to understand the war in another locality had not been preferred of in terms of the African civil wars (Akou,27). In addition, Anna Simons (97) emphasized the pastoral ideology as well as urban occurrences â€Å"Although the previous chapters set forth the parameters of the collapse of the Somali state, we have not yet considered the effect these expatriate and chronological impacts had on traditional Somali institutions, or how they shaped daily life in Mogadishu for the very Somalis on whom expatriates based their knowledge of Somalia. In the following chapters, I examine a variety of institutions that have continued to persist in the urban setting, having been carried over from pastoral sources. Although these institutions have surely altered in meaning and purpose with the distances traveled (through space and time), the pastoral setting itself has also evolved so that pastoralism, as it is practiced today, is not the same pastoralism early explorers viewed or I. M. Lewis studied†. In addition, the theories that had originated from the pastoralism style of religious practice had retained an integral part of the Somalian urban environment. In addition, on the ideological level, we again see confluences: of a rhetorically national Somalia being constructed at the same era national politics requires the dismemberment into some interest parts depicted as both prior to and had ever since independence. In addition, the combining features of all Somalis include the sharing the same language and practicing the same Islamic religious policies that are implemented to help produce a sense of coherent Somalian nationalism (Morrison 13). Clearly, the two areas themselves had been used as pawns of war. In terms, historical religion-inspired political Somalian environment, (Simmons 39) reiterated the â€Å"present decadence of neighboring Berberah is caused by petty internal feuds. Girhajis the eldest son of Ishak al-Hazrami, seized the mountain ranges of Gulays and Wagar lying about forty miles behind the coast, while Awal, the cadet, established himself and his descendants upon the lowlands from Berberah to Zayla. Both these powerful tribes assert a claim to the customs and profits of the port on the grounds that they jointly conquered it from the Gallas. The Habr Awal, however, being in possession, would monopolize the right: a blood feud rages and the commerce of the place suffers from the dissensions of the owners†. Besides, the Habr Awal tribe is commonly having internal quarrels. The two septs, the Ayyal Yunis Nuh and the Ayyal Ahmad Nuh, established themselves as coming from the community known as Berberah. The former can be identified as plentiful and numerous.  Jeffrey M. Herbst (229) insists the religion-inspired political Somalian environment looks to the United States to protect its patrimony as well as economic partnership (Hirschey 289). The lessons of Somalia used for the future United States Foreign Policy includes the United States focusing on the act to â€Å"flex its undeniable muscle for the betterment of less fortunate peoples across the globe depends on defining the national self-interest in a manner that would support the existing imperatives of liberal internationalism against the powerful, quickly allied forces of entropy, disdain, isolationism, and national narcissism. That is the new challenge for U.S. foreign policy and the makers of U.S. foreign policy, wounded as it and they have been by the mistakes made during and as a result of the U.S. intervention in Somalia†.  The above quote clearly shows that the United States continues one of its primary functions of focusing o n its national legal priorities by centering on using force in dealing with Somalia’s affairs with other nations around the world to ensure its political affairs trickle down to economic gains (Foresman 20). The processes of intrusion have differed from the classical gunboat diplomacy to the implementation of proxy wars as well as occupation of relevant areas. It is very clear that isolationism can be defined as the fear of being entangled in the messy imbroglios of foreigners–has always been second nature to Americans. In addition, religion-inspired political Somalian environment political implements persuasive adventures in foreign lands that include the strive for clarification as well as the gesture to override the Somalian population’s national interests, not just to focus on the necessities of Somalia’s foreign policy requirements. In addition, many of the intervention activities include controversy resolutions with external as well as internal disp utes, with criticism generated from some generations from some disgruntled quarters. In terms of the religion-inspired political Somalian environment, Clarke (20) emphasized â€Å"Operation Restore Hope covered 40 percent of Somalia. It was limited to the central and southern regions, and neither UNITAF nor UNOSOM, with some almost irrelevant exceptions, established a presence in the northwestern or northeastern areas of the country. However, the operation had an impact on all of Somalia, and its effects countrywide are the focus of this chapter†. The religion-inspired political Somalian environment includes the use of international efforts to bring back the original Somali justice system that includes fundamental flaws in operational planning and implementation. Hopefully, reflecting the country’s significant concentration on Mogadishu, UNITAF did not generate a successful activity to capitalize on the successful Australian program to restructure the Somali police and judiciary in Baidoa and the Bay region. The Somalian political strategy includes accepting the United States’ plan to proceed with its Operation Restore Hope did not follow successful lessons from the Gulf War, after which civil affairs units in Kuwait aided in restricting the police and judiciary. The Somalian police and judiciary, after the overthrow of Siad Barre After January 1991, was helpless when Somalia descended into anarchy and disintegrated into clan dominated areas. The process of tribal fiefdoms disputes, many areas did perform politically and economically better than other regions of Somalia. Specifically, before January 1991, the Somali National Police Force numbered had reached an estimated 15,000 persons around the country. It had been segregated into eighteen regional divisions with approximately ninety police stations located in the districts and over 100 police personnel. Islam religion on Somalia’s Political Environment Further, Carl Brown (9) emp hasized the Islam religion was very instrumental in the political process of government the nations. Carl Brown reiterated â€Å"others, even if aware that the Middle East contains many inhabitants other than Arabs, are inclined to think that the Muslim world and the Middle East are roughly coterminous. It is true that the Middle Eastern population is about 90 percent Muslim, but all the Muslims of the Middle East still add up to a minority of the world’s Muslim population. Even when defining the Middle East broadly to embrace the entire Arab world from Morocco to the Arabian Peninsula plus Iran, Israel, and Turkey the Muslims thus included are only slightly more than one-third of the world’s Muslim population† (Brown 9). In terms of comparison, the most significant Muslim state, Indonesia, is found in SouthEast Asia. Likewise, the first four Muslim states in terms of population are all outside the Middle East. Those nations are: Indonesia, Pakistan, Bangladesh, and (surprising to many) India with more than over 100 million Muslims. In terms of comparison, the Muslim population represents 60 percent of the total Christian community around the world. Comparing Islam to Christianity (Schmidt 119), the Muslim â€Å"Church Government† differs from the Christian religious teachings. In Islam, there is no separation of church and state, of religious organization as contrasted with a political organization. Likewise, the difference in religious teachings proceeds to different political priorities (Nasr10). There are several chances to offer adjustments to the assertions. Specifically, Carl Brown (29) one significant difference between Islam and Christianity is that Islam knows no church in the sense of a corporate body whose leadership is clearly defined, hierarchical, and distinct from the state. The organizational arrangement of Muslim religious specialists, or ulama, generates an institutional disagreement between Muslim church and Musl im state virtually impossible. Meaning, an ‘alim may state the many negative comments and other aspects of the ruler. However, the same person cannot canonical call a Muslim â€Å"church council.† In addition, the Nor has opportunities to pass his charges up the Muslim religious hierarchy until a Muslim equivalent of pope or council or synod renders a judgment binding on all members of the â€Å"church.† This, at least, upholds as a massive generalization for Sunni Islam. As for Twelver Shi’ism, the pronouncements of Iran’s Ayatullah Khomeini and the mullahs in Iran points to the recommendation that the clergy there are more nearly a recognizable â€Å"church† hierarchy. This Sunni-Shi’i distinction calls for separate treatment. In terms of the historical bases of traditional Muslim and Christian political theory most Muslims and most Christians have for centuries lived just like most of the people living in Somalia and other countries where there are possible groups of Muslim residents, Even the religio-political struggles within Christendom and Islamdom have usually been intrafaith, such as Protestant versus Catholic or Sunni versus Shi’ I Muslim groups. In addition, Carl Brown (68) reiterated â€Å"a perceptive British diplomat whose long service in the Middle East began early in this century captured the cultural counterpart to the Muslim theological tradition of political quietism in writing: The Egyptian man in the street is very quick to recognize the facts of power; he does not have to be blown out of cannons, or even harshly treated to conform. He will support long years of humiliation and, indeed, of ill-treatment, buoyed by the golden certainty that somewhere along the road includes a banana-skin on which the object of his dislike is bound one day to put his heel†.  Another evocative illustration comes from the great Egyptian nationalist leader, Sa’d Zaghlul, who in an often made public speeches before a huge crowd to express here hope that the day will arrive come when the Egyptian ceased regarding government the way the bird views the hunter. The sense of impotence before Somalian leadership is also well displayed in the story of village notables who had focused on sending a group of representatives to the Ottoman capital asking for the removal of an oppressive governor. When the governor was able to know their strike plan, he called the group to his house, escorted them to a secret room, pointed out a chest and told them to open it. It was almost filled with lots of gold coins and other large quantities of precious metals. Stated that he was responsible for increase the locality’s gold reserves. Consequently, the strikers called off their strike plans.  Also, Carl Brown (52) reiterated â€Å"From this internal perspective it is not so much that Muslim societies failed to link Islamic thought with political practice but that the Muslim self-imag e gave preeminent importance to the ideals of unity and community. To clarify this interpretation of Islamic political thought, let us recall two fundamental points already adumbrated in a somewhat different context. First, the clear relationship of the traditional Muslim political theory for all later thinking about the role of the state and the political community plus the natural tendency of any scriptural religion to emphasize the historical period when the scriptures were revealed combined to give the political model of the idealized early umma an unquestionable part in later Muslim philosophies about Somalian politics. In addition, a hierarchically that includes a structured clergy charged with establishing doctrine never developed in the Islamic residents’ area, the religion-inspired political Somalian environment shows there is no effective institutional way to reconcile differences between religious dogma and political practice. In terms of the roots of political pes simism, â€Å"Islamic political thought or, more precisely, Muslim attitudes toward politics and the state produced a paradox that can be expressed as follows: Islam emphasizes the religious importance of man’s deeds in this world. Islam decidedly does not turn its back on mundane matters. Islam, moreover, grew up in early political success. After that, the overwhelming majority of the world’s Muslims usually lived free of political threat from non-Muslims—until modern times.  Muslims generally hold on the religious philosophy that the early umma, which, unlike the early Christian Church, was a this-worldly religious, political community par excellence. Yet, this very Islam with such character focused one created a political culture that nurtured a pessimistic attitude toward politics and, out of this political pessimism, a submissive attitude toward government. While never developing anything like the Christian separation of church and state, Islamic cultur e did foster a de facto separation of state and society. This separation of state and society was never explicitly recognized as legitimate. The idealized early umma as led by the Prophet and after that the four rightly guided caliphs (and the equivalent imamate of Shi’ism) was the only legitimate model of Islamic government. Based on the above discussion, religion affects politics in Somalia, especially since the country is unstable. The religious influences affect the Somalian political activities. The research shows that Islam as one of the religions that has precipitated to the Somalian country into the political abyss known as unstableness. The research discussion indicates Islam is a government benchmark guide in terms of political policies implemented within and outside the Somalian political environment. Indeed, religion is a powerful factor that affects the political activity of the nation. References Mohamoud, Abdullah A. State Collapse and Post Conflict Developmen t in Africa. London:  University Press, 2006. Akou, Heather M. The Politics of Dress in Somali Culture. London: University Press, 2011. Gebrewold, Belachew B. Anatony of Violence. London : Ashgate Press, 2009. Hirschey, Mark B. Managerial Economics. London: Cengage Press, 2008. Braathen, Einar. Ethnicity Kills? The Politics of War, Peace, and Ethnicity. Velarg, 2000. Brown, Carl L. Religion and State: The Muslim Approach to Politics. London: University Press,  2000. Crishom, Roger F. Principles of Economics. London: Scott, Foresman Company, 1981. Froyen, Richard E. Macroeconomics. London: Prentice Hall Press, 1999. Armstrong, Karen G. Islam: A Short History. London: Moderen Press, 2002. Hall, Robert E. Macro Economics. London: Norton Press, 1997. Herbst, Jeffrey M. The Lessons of Armed Humanitarian Intervention. London: Westview , 1997. Nasr, Seyyed Hossein. Islam: Religion, History, and Civilisation. London: Harper Press, 2003. Reilly, Frank K. Investments. London: Dryden Pres s, 1986 Morrison, Joseph S. Political Islam. London: ABC Press, 2010. Schmidt, Bettina E. Continuum Internatonal. London: Continuum International Press, 2010. Simons, Anna. Networks of Dissolution: Somalia Undone. London: Westview Press, 1995. This essay on The Relationship Between Religion and Politics in Somalia was written and submitted by user Maxx Bates to help you with your own studies. You are free to use it for research and reference purposes in order to write your own paper; however, you must cite it accordingly. You can donate your paper here.